Should we be spending more on pharmaceuticals?

Perhaps the answer is yes according to research from Frank Lichtenberg.

Every year, according to Lichtenberg’s research, drugs launched since 1982 are adding 150 million life-years to the lifespans of people in 22 countries that he analyzed. He calculated the average pharmaceutical expenditure per life-year saved at $2,837 — a bargain, he says.
“According to most health economists and policymakers, if you could extend someone’s life by a year for less than $3,000, that is highly cost effective,” says Lichtenberg, who gathered new data for these studies to cast a never-before seen view of the econometrics of prescription drugs. “People might be surprised by how cost-effective drugs appear to be in general.”

…Between 1982 and 2015, for example, the US saw the launch of 719 new drugs, the most of any country in the sample; Israel had about half as many launches. By looking at the resultant change in each country between mortality and disease, Lichtenberg calculated that the years of life lost before the age of 85 in 2013 would have been 2.16 times as high if no new drugs had been launched after 1981. For a subset of 22 countries with more full data, the number of life-years gained in 2013 from drugs launched after 1981 was 148.7 million.

For more details, see the Columbia University write-up and the original NBER working paper.

HT: Marginal Revolution

LinkedIn scam a.k.a. Revenge of the self-employed research associate

In late 2015 I received a lot of spam LinkedIn invitations, many from people who listed their positions as “Research Associate at Self-Employed.” It’s a weird title for a self-employed person.  As I wrote at the time (How many self-employed research associates does it take to change a light bulb?) I think it was some kind of phishing attempt. In particular, the aim seemed to be to build an impressive network and gain access to contact info and credentials. Maybe it was related to the 2016 election. The profiles were pretty bare and obviously not of real people, if you bothered to look. But I noticed that quite a few of my contacts were connected with these accounts.

I haven’t heard from any self-employed research associates in a while, but I got a message recently that reminded me of those days.

This one was a little more clever. It said, “We have done some truly path-breaking work in Healthcare using AI and Machine Learning which has resulted in significant savings and benefits for Healthcare Institutions. Would love to share more with you. Please let me know when we can talk.” The invitation came from Sonu Gandhi, listed as a “Manager” in Albany, NY.

Screenshot 2019 04 18 07.31.07
Screenshot 2019 04 18 07.31.07

This message is similar to legit ones I received, usually pitching story ideas for my blog. But something seemed a bit off.

LinkedIn gives two options in the email: View profile or Accept. I clicked “view profile” and saw that this is a nothing person –no photo, no current or former employer, no education, but a member of several healthcare related groups and someone with 237 connections, including with 8 of my connections.

Screenshot 2019 04 18 07.31.23
Screenshot 2019 04 18 07.31.23

Sonu, if you’re out there for real I’d love to talk. And in any case I have access to several self-employed Research Associates in search of a Manager.

By healthcare business consultant David E. Williams, president of Health Business Group.

The history of general practitioner contracting in the UK

A paper by McDermott et al. (2019) examines how primary care services are commissioned in the United Kingdom under the National Health Service (NHS). Interestingly, the study provides a nice overview of the history of GP contracting in the UK as well. An excerpt is below.

The current primary care system in England, whereby GPs [general practitioners] are contractors to the NHS, was born out of the decision made at the establishment of the NHS in 1947. This enabled GPs to remain independent to the NHS, minimising their opposition to the NHS. There was little planning for GP services from 1948 to 1990. GPs were contracted as individuals and payment were governed by the number of registered patients and by the services provided. GP contracts were administered by executive councils (1948–1972) whose membership included heavy representations of GPs themselves.

A unified system of administration was introduced in 1973 which integrated the planning and delivery of hospital services (administered by hospital boards), GP services (administered by executive councils) and personal health services (administered by local authorities such as maternity services, vaccination and ambulance services)…

The internal market was created in 1989 by the conservative government, introducing a split between the purchasers and providers of care, with a view to using competition between providers to achieve better ‘value for money’. Purchasers would ‘commission’ health services from providers by entering into contracts to deliver an agreed volume of services at a price. Purchasing would be more than simply contracting with and paying for providers to supply health services; providers would be made to compete for resources to encourage greater efficiency, responsiveness and innovation…

In spite of a rhetorical commitment to competition, payments of GP practices continued to be governed by a set of rules, with little local control over service development or provision. The notion of active commissioning started to gain prominence when the new labour government came to power in 1997. Responsibility for commissioning all types of services for a geographical population was given to newly established primary care trusts (PCTs), who were encouraged to start using a wider variety of contractual mechanisms to encourage new entrants into the primary care system… During the 2000s…contracts could be held by non-traditional service providers, including private companies, and they could be adjusted to specify a different range of services. PCTs were thus encouraged to actively shape the supply of services in their areas, introducing competition and actively procuring services to meet population needs.

Source:

Do consumers make rational choices for their Part D Plan?

To answer this question, one can examine how individuals choose health plans based on premiums, expected out of pocket cost, plan quality, and other factors. A paper by Abaluck and Gruber (2011) use data from 2006 and find that up to 70% of seniors appear to choose plans that are not optimal. Do these conclusions hold with more recent data? And are there improved methods for answering this question.

One question is how does one treat the error term in these regressions. In a standard random utility model, the error term captures heterogeneous tastes for unobserved product attributes. People are not perfectly rational, however, and thus the error term could also capture optimization error, genuine randomness in decision making, or other types of confusion.

To answer this question and examine whether PDP plan choice has improved in more recent data, a working paper by Keane et al. (2019) use a finite mixture of mixed logit model or MM-MNL model. Their basic approach uses the following model: 

U_ij = (Pj)α+[E(oop)ij]β1 + (σ^2_ij)β2 + (cj)β3 + (Qj)β4 + e_ij

In this equation, P is the premiums for plan j, E(oop) is the expected out of pocket costs,  σ^2_ij is the variance in out of pocket costs, cj, is a vector of financial characteristics of plan j that affect OOP, and Qij is a vector of plan quality measures, which in this study includes both star ratings and indicator variables for plan “brand”.

The authors initially conceive of 2 latent classes of individuals.  The rational, risk neutral individual would be indifferent to premiums and out of pocket costs (assuming the impact from discounting is small given the 1 year time horizon covered by Part D Plans) and thus α = β1. Also rational individuals should be indifferent among different financial characteristics (cj) that lead to the same E(oop) and σ^2_ij and thus β3=0. In short, we can divide the world into rational individuals where utility is defined as:

U_ij = [Pj + E(oop)ij]β1 + (σ^2_ij)β2 + (Qj)β4 + e_ij

with probability p and with probability 1-p individuals are not rational and have utility as described in the first equation.  In short, conditional on a person’s latent type (i.e., rational vs. not) and his/her preference parameters, we have a simple multinomial logit model.

The authors also extend this model by: (i) considering more than two types where the “rational” type is defined as above, and the data is used to determine the other types and (ii) the authors let individual characteristics (e.g., age, presence of Alzheimers’ disease, depression) affect individual decision-making ability.

The authors highlight the benefit of their model, saying:

Given estimates of the decision utilities of the confused type, as well as the distribution of their parameter vector ), we can learn how their behavior is sub-optimal. Do many consumers…place excessive weight on premiums vs. OOP costs? Or are these excesses statistically significant but quantitatively small?  Are there particular “irrelevant” financial attributes of insurance plans that consumers tend to overweigh in making decisions? 

The authors then use PDP administrative data from non-low income subsidy
individuals as well as data from the Medicare Current Beneficiary Survey to
test this approach.

The authors have a number of interesting findings. First, individuals place
more weight on premium reduction than reducing future out-of-pocket cost.
Second, a plan’s brand plans an important part in plan choice for some
consumers. In general, fewer than one-in-ten consumers are perfectly rational
from an economist’s defminition..

…we find that 9.8% of consumers are classified as the “rational” type, while 11.4% place excess weight on low premiums, and 78% place value on plan characteristics that are irrelevant once one conditions on the distribution of plan costs…As expected, people with dementia and depression are more likely to be “irrational.” And the bulk of the econometric error term is attributed to optimization error

A more important question may be, does this matter? If people are choosing
incorrectly, are these error costing them $5 per year or thousands of dollars?
The authors perform a welfare analysis to see how welfare would improve if
people picked a more optimal plan.

…we find welfare losses to be modest except in a small subset of cases (e.g., people with dementia and depression face a high variance of OOP costs, suggesting they are not well insured). In contrast to traditional choice models, in our framework consumer welfare can be enhanced by eliminating “bad” options from the choice set. But as in Ketcham et al. (2019) we find that such policies lead at best to trivial welfare improvements. This occurs for two reasons: (i) Part D premiums are heavily subsidized, so even a “bad” plan is better than no plan, and (ii) given consumer heterogeneity, very few plans are “bad” for everyone. 

You’ve come a long way baby! And thanks to this app, your mom’s employer knows all about it

The Denver Post (Tracking your pregnancy on an app may be more public than you think) has published an interesting and disturbing article about the rise of Ovia, an app that collects detailed and personal data from pregnant women and those hoping to conceive. I’m not surprised that the business model is to provide data to employers about their workforce in order to save on medical costs and reduce time away from work. But I am a little surprised at how much data employees are willing to enter on topics like their sex life, color of cervical fluid, miscarriages and so on, while the app also track things like what medical conditions they looked up.

“Maybe I’m naive, but I thought of it as positive reinforcement: They’re trying to help me take care of myself,” said [Diana] Diller, 39, an event planner in Los Angeles for the video-game company Activision Blizzard. The decision to track her pregnancy had been made easier by the $1 a day in gift cards the company paid her to use the app: That’s “diaper and formula money,” she said.

As I remind people using “free” apps –or ones they are paid to use– you’re not the customer, you’re the product. There’s plenty written on this topic so I won’t bother to rehash it here, but it’s worth remembering that the data provided by Diller and others can be combined with tons of other data from their use of Google, Facebook, Waze, exercise trackers, and more to create incredibly detailed and personal profiles.

In 2008 I wrote a brief blog post called Baby formula in the mailbox. “Honey, is there something I should know?” I was puzzled to see that it still gets a lot of hits in 2019 and that readers are still commenting about their own experiences. Back then, an au pair who worked for us had received baby formula from Abbott Nutrition. Somehow, some marketer thought she was pregnant. It was kind of embarrassing and of course could be problematic for a family relationship or if the pregnancy had ended prematurely.

Online data gathering has come a long way in the past decade. If Abbott once guessed you were pregnant, imagine how much more they –or many others– knows about you now. Maybe the users of these apps aren’t naive, just fatalistic about the idea that everyone knows everything anyway, so why not just take the formula and diaper money and run?

In a few years, Diller’s child will probably find the Denver Post article or maybe even this blog post. If that person is you, I’d be interested to know how you feel about it.

You’ve come a long way baby! And thanks to this app, your mom’s employer knows all about it

baby 1299514 1280
There’s an app for that

The Denver Post (Tracking your pregnancy on an app may be more public than you think) has published an interesting and disturbing article about the rise of Ovia, an app that collects detailed and personal data from pregnant women and those hoping to conceive. I’m not surprised that the business model is to provide data to employers about their workforce in order to save on medical costs and reduce time away from work. But I am a little surprised at how much data employees are willing to enter on topics like their sex life, color of cervical fluid, miscarriages and so on, while the app also track things like what medical conditions they looked up.

“Maybe I’m naive, but I thought of it as positive reinforcement: They’re trying to help me take care of myself,” said [Diana] Diller, 39, an event planner in Los Angeles for the video-game company Activision Blizzard. The decision to track her pregnancy had been made easier by the $1 a day in gift cards the company paid her to use the app: That’s “diaper and formula money,” she said.

As I remind people using “free” apps –or ones they are paid to use– you’re not the customer, you’re the product. There’s plenty written on this topic so I won’t bother to rehash it here, but it’s worth remembering that the data provided by Diller and others can be combined with tons of other data from their use of Google, Facebook, Waze, exercise trackers, and more to create incredibly detailed and personal profiles.

In 2008 I wrote a brief blog post called Baby formula in the mailbox. “Honey, is there something I should know?” I was puzzled to see that it still gets a lot of hits in 2019 and that readers are still commenting about their own experiences. Back then, an au pair who worked for us had received baby formula from Abbott Nutrition. Somehow, some marketer thought she was pregnant. It was kind of embarrassing and of course could be problematic for a family relationship or if the pregnancy had ended prematurely.

Online data gathering has come a long way in the past decade. If Abbott once guessed you were pregnant, imagine how much more they –or many others– knows about you now. Maybe the users of these apps aren’t naive, just fatalistic about the idea that everyone knows everything anyway, so why not just take the formula and diaper money and run?

In a few years, Diller’s child will probably find the Denver Post article or maybe even this blog post. If that person is you, I’d be interested to know how you feel about it.

By healthcare business consultant David E. Williams, president of Health Business Group.

 

The post You’ve come a long way baby! And thanks to this app, your mom’s employer knows all about it appeared first on Health Business Group.

Instrumental variables: Can I use patient level IVs to correct for endogeneity in patient characteristics?

Does a treatment improve patient health?  Does a policy intervention improve quality of
life?  Does more education increase
income?  These are fundamental questions
that are difficult to answer with standard observational approaches.  The reason? 
Selection bias. 

Patients who are sick take medicine; patients who are sicker
may take more medicine.  Thus, one could
observe that patients who take highly effective medicine have worse outcomes
not because of any causal relationship but because sick people are the ones
taking medicine. 

One way to account for selection bias is to use instrumental
variables.  An instrument must satisfy 3
key conditions:

  • It must be correlated with the potentially
    endogenous treatment variable;
  • It must have no direct effect on the outcome
    (other than through its impact on the probability of treatment); and
  • It must be independent of the unmeasured
    confounders of the treatment–outcome relationship after conditioning on the
    measured confounders (See Garabedian
    et al. 2014
    for an explanation)

What if a researcher wants to know if certain physician or
hospital characteristics are associated with better patient outcomes.  In standard analyses, if unobservable better
quality physicians prefer to live in rich areas where patients have
unobservably better baseline health and these physician characteristics are
correlated with observed characteristics, it could be the case that researchers
misattribute a causal effect to a specific physician attribute.

Can patient-level variables serve as an instrument for
provider characteristics?  According to a
paper by Konetzka
et al. (2019)
, at first, the approach seems promising.

Take the example of estimating the effect of for‐profit status of a hospital on patient outcomes. Patients treated at for‐profit hospitals may be different in unmeasured ways from patients treated at other hospitals—in preferences for preventive care, level of social support, or health status. To solve this problem, an instrument Wi can be used. A logical choice may be the differential distance instrument, using the additional distance a patient would have to travel to reach a for‐profit hospital versus the nearest hospital. The use of this instrument could result in groups of patients that are balanced on observed and unobserved characteristics, minimizing confounding by patient selection

This approach may be valid of physician characteristics are not selected (e.g., male gender).  However, some physicians/organizations may choose their characteristics.  Physicians may choose their specialty; hospitals may deicde strategically whether to be a for-profit or non-profit entity.  In the case of measuring the effect of being a for-profit hospital, researchers would need an instrument that “exogenously pseudo‐randomizes hospitals to be for‐profit—say, an instrument based on what competitor hospitals in the market are doing, or a change in laws about for‐profit status”.

Using both instruments may be valid, but using only the
patient-level instrument to control for provider level selection bias is
problematic.

It is a mistake, however, to use a patient‐level instrument Wi to attempt to solve the endogeneity of an organization‐ level treatment variable or to imply that it does. If the goal of the analysis is to estimate a causal effect of for‐profit status, an erroneous approach might be to use patient‐level differential distance as an IV. Although this would likely result in treatment and comparison groups balanced on patient‐level characteristics, it does nothing to solve the critical provider selection issue.

The authors claim that the Joyce et al. (2018)
paper does the best job of addressing the provider selection issue.  While they also use a patient-level
instrument, they also conducted a series of robustness checks using a dose–response
strategy based on the percent of patients in a dementia Special Care Unit and
comparisons to patients without dementia in order to isolate the causal effect
of Special Care Units from unmeasured hospital quality.

Source:

Family knows best

Is caregiving by family members superior to paid home health caregiving? According to a paper by Coe et al. (2019), the answer is ‘yes’.

We find that some family involvement in home‐based care significantly decreases health‐care utilization: lower likelihood of emergency room use, Medicaid‐financed inpatient days, any Medicaid hospital expenditures, and fewer months with Medicaid‐paid inpatient use. We find that individuals who have some family involved in home‐based care are less likely to have several adverse health outcomes within the first 9 months of the trial, including lower prevalence of infections, bedsores, or shortness of breath, suggesting that the lower utilization may be due to better health outcomes.

You’ve come a long way baby! And thanks to this app, your mom’s employer knows all about it

baby 1299514 1280
There’s an app for that

The Denver Post (Tracking your pregnancy on an app may be more public than you think) has published an interesting and disturbing article about the rise of Ovia, an app that collects detailed and personal data from pregnant women and those hoping to conceive. I’m not surprised that the business model is to provide data to employers about their workforce in order to save on medical costs and reduce time away from work. But I am a little surprised at how much data employees are willing to enter on topics like their sex life, color of cervical fluid, miscarriages and so on, while the app also track things like what medical conditions they looked up.

“Maybe I’m naive, but I thought of it as positive reinforcement: They’re trying to help me take care of myself,” said [Diana] Diller, 39, an event planner in Los Angeles for the video-game company Activision Blizzard. The decision to track her pregnancy had been made easier by the $1 a day in gift cards the company paid her to use the app: That’s “diaper and formula money,” she said.

As I remind people using “free” apps –or ones they are paid to use– you’re not the customer, you’re the product. There’s plenty written on this topic so I won’t bother to rehash it here, but it’s worth remembering that the data provided by Diller and others can be combined with tons of other data from their use of Google, Facebook, Waze, exercise trackers, and more to create incredibly detailed and personal profiles.

In 2008 I wrote a brief blog post called Baby formula in the mailbox. “Honey, is there something I should know?” I was puzzled to see that it still gets a lot of hits in 2019 and that readers are still commenting about their own experiences. Back then, an au pair who worked for us had received baby formula from Abbott Nutrition. Somehow, some marketer thought she was pregnant. It was kind of embarrassing and of course could be problematic for a family relationship or if the pregnancy had ended prematurely.

Online data gathering has come a long way in the past decade. If Abbott once guessed you were pregnant, imagine how much more they –or many others– knows about you now. Maybe the users of these apps aren’t naive, just fatalistic about the idea that everyone knows everything anyway, so why not just take the formula and diaper money and run?

In a few years, Diller’s child will probably find the Denver Post article or maybe even this blog post. If that person is you, I’d be interested to know how you feel about it.

By healthcare business consultant David E. Williams, president of Health Business Group.

 

The post You’ve come a long way baby! And thanks to this app, your mom’s employer knows all about it appeared first on Health Business Group.